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Communitarian groups

Christoph Brumann   

 

www.rrz.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/voelkerkunde/institut/bruman_e.htm     

e-mail to: christoph.brumann@@@uni-koeln.de 

communitarian groups/utopian communes, globalization, urban anthropology, social and economic anthropology, theory of culture

 

1992, Kommunitäre Gruppen in Japan: Alternative Mikrogesellschaften als kulturelle Spiegel.  

 

Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 117:119-138

 

 

Abstracts

Communitarian groups, i.e. groups living together and sharing property on an intentional and voluntary basis, are a marginal but persistent feature of many present-day societies. As real-life experiments probing human social limits, their successes and failures are valuable reference material for much debate in culture theory. Four Japanese communitarian groups are briefly introduced and subsequently compared to Japanese mainstream society. These groups diverge much less from their ambient culture in social organisation, values and life-style than do similar groups in other societies. Correspondingly, they maintain unusually cooperative relations with the outside world. The strong tradition of corporate groups in Japan and the high willingness and capacity of individuals to get involved in them seem to be a favorable cultural background for the formation and maintenance of communitarian groups. It is argued that a perspective relating specific groups to their ambient culture will also be fruitful for the study of communitarian groups in other societies.

 

 

1993, Japanische Firmen: Neue Ethnographien. Anthropos 88:512-517

Three recent contributions to the ethnography of Japanese companies are reviewed and situated within the context of similar research. The three studies are Dorinne K. Kondo's Crafting Selves: Power, Gender, and Discourses of Identity in a Japanese Workplace (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1990), Jeannie Lo's Office Ladies, Factory Women: Life and Work at a Japanese Company (Armonk, N.Y.: Sharpe 1990), and Paul H. Noguchi's Delayed Departures, Overdue Arrivals: Industrial Familialism and the Japanese National Railways (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1990). They all challenge the received view of Japanese companies as harmonic, quasi-familistic institutions, demonstrating that this is an ideal rather than reality. Nonetheless, this ideal can become a powerful cultural resource, not only in the hands of the management, but also in the employees' attempts to push their claims. Moreover, Kondo and Lo show that the career prospects for female employees are still very much constrained in Japan.

 

 

1996, Strong Leaders: The Charismatic Founders of Japanese Utopian Communities. In: Ian Neary (Hg.) Leaders and Leadership in Japan. Richmond: Japan Library/Curson Press, S. 175-189

Nakane Chie and others have identified a type of leadership in Japanese society that can be described as that of the "weak leader". Within the small groups that are presumed to be the basic structural element of society, conciliatory figures rise easily into top positions. What these leaders lack in terms of determination, intellectual brilliance, and charisma is made up by their sensitive care for their network of vertical relationships. It must be doubted, however, that this kind of leadership is really so universal in Japanese society. I attempt to show this by reference to the leaders of utopian communes. In Japan, there is a fair number of such experiments in which people live together and share their property voluntarily for the sake of some idealistic goal. Almost all of these groups have been founded by a charismatic leader. I present the biographies of four of these leaders, Nishida Tenkô of Ittô-en, Ozaki Masutarô of Shinkyô, Yaoi Nisshô of Ô-yamato ajisai mura, and the only female leader, Fukuzato Niwa of Fukuzato tetsugaku jikkenjô. In a next step, I compare their careers and their roles within their communes. It turns out that there is a number of parallels: All leaders chose conventional careers at first and started their utopian activities only later in life. The transition to the new calling was often preceded by a prolonged crisis but then occured very swiftly, involving a complete break with the old life and radical, even eccentric action. This alienated the leaders from their old spouses and families but brought them new adherents. These were attracted by the leaders' practical example rather than only by their teachings.

 

The four leaders are no doubt far from weak, and in other areas of Japanese society, strong and charismatic personalities have been influential as well. Consequently, Nakane's model has to be modified: While the "weak" leader may be appropriate for established social structures, strong leaders play an important role when it comes to founding something new; be it companies, Buddhist sects, warrior's dynasties or communes.

 

1997b, Gender in Utopia: Das Streben nach Geschlechtsegalität in vier kommunitären Gruppen. In: Gisela Völger (Hg.) Sie und Er: Frauenmacht und Männerherrschaft im Kulturvergleich. (Band 1.) Köln: Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum für Völkerkunde, S. 305-312

Utopian communes - groups of men and women who live together and share their property for some higher goal - have often engaged in substantial cultural experimentation. In some cases, this also has involved the attempt to bring about more equal gender relations within the context of the group. Four communes - the Shakers and Oneida in the 19th century, the kibbutzim and Twin Oaks in the 20th century - are introduced and discussed with regard to their accomplishments. It turns out that Oneida - a group marriage commune in upstate New York - and the Israelian kibbutzim had only limited success since they clung to conventional gender stereotypes and did not attempt to redefine the male gender role. In contrast, the celibate Shakers in New England and the Midwest appear more successful: although male dominance was not completely abolished, genders were separated enough to keep the female members' sphere of activity relatively free from male interference. Twin Oaks in Virginia has dropped former measures of affirmative action, arguing that gender equality has been achieved. While this assessment still needs to be backed up by empirical research, it seems credible that Twin Oaks realises the egalitarian ideals of the alternative middle-class culture of most of its members to a large extent.

 

in press, Materialistic Culture: The Uses of Money in Tokyo Gift Exchanges. In: John Clammer und Michael Ashkenazi (Hg.) Consumption and Material Culture in Contemporary Japan. London: Kegan Paul International

The incessant exchange of gifts is perceived by many Japanese as one of the most delicate and tedious aspects of their social life. Previous anthropological studies (e.g. by Befu, T.S. Lebra, Bestor) have in general considered it summarily, giving outlines of the general principles. In contrast, this paper analyses the particular case of an elderly couple's gift politics, based on the notebook in which they list anything given or received at kankonsôsai (life-cycle celebrations) and similar events. Gifts should reflect the perceived social distance between giver and recipient and should equal gifts received by the same partner on similar occasions, but there is a host of other criteria which are taken into account when determining gift sizes, not least inflation. Details of their gift practices show the otherwise "traditional" couple to be more egalitarian and less household- and group-oriented than general literature on Japan would predict.

 

Money, the ultimate object and objectifier, is used in almost all the instances. Usually closely associated with market exchange, impersonality and profit-making in Western philosophic and popular thought, it is precisely as a generalized, abstract standard of value that money is used in this specific case of moral economy. Though perhaps originally adopted for practical reasons, money serves to render the social messages sent by the gifts clear and unambiguous, so that these can easily be compared. The evidence presented underlines the argument put forth by Parry and Bloch that one should pay close attention to the cultural uses of money, since these may often diverge significantly from what western observers take for granted. Moreover, it points to what may well be a general principle of economic behaviour - the deliberate avoidance of the clear-cut principles of either balanced or generalized reciprocity.

 

 

in press, Dynamik und Stillstand in drei utopischen Revitalisierungsbewegungen. Ittô-en, Atarashiki mura und Yamagishi-kai, in: Derichs und A. Osiander (Hrsg.), Soziale Bewegungen in Japan. OAG, Hamburg.

Japanese society is often said to lack a strong tradition of utopian thought and experimentation, yet there are several utopian communal movements, founded mostly within this century. The anthropologist Anthony Wallace's concept of revitalization movements is introduced and extended to utopian movements. Subsequently, three utopian movements - Ittô-en, Atarashiki mura, and Yamagishi-kai - are described. Then, an explanation is attempted why the former two cases have lost all their movement characteristics whereas Yamagishi-kai is still flourishing at present. It turns out that the latter's belief system is simpler and more encompassing and optimistic in orientation. Moreover and more importantly, however, Yamagishi-kai has been more successful in emancipating itself from the influence of its charismatic founder and leader, relegating him almost to oblivion. By contrast, Ittô-en and Atarashiki mura seem unable to step out of the shadows of their dead founder figures, glorifying them in museums instead of adapting their value systems to present-day challenges.

 

 

in press, "Philoprogenitiveness" through the Cracks: The Resilience and Benefits of Kinship in Utopian Communes. In: Peter Schweitzer (Hg.) The Dividends of Kinship. London: Routledge

"Philoprogenitiveness" is the word that John Humphrey Noyes, leader of the group marriage commune Oneida (1837-1881), coined for nepotism. Communes, i.e. groups whose members live and work together and share their property on idealistic grounds, are one of the most extreme forms of human cooperation, and the human tendency to free-ride on the efforts of others makes them particularly fragile social entities. Previous theories have argued that family and kinship are inimical to communal survival, since they will create double loyalties by distracting members' attention from the wider group. Indeed, many communes (such as the Shakers or Oneida Community) have tried to eliminate family and kinship bonds by introducing such practices as celibacy, group marriage, or parent-child separation. A closer look on a sample of 19th and 20th century American, European and Japanese communes, however, reveals that no group marriage commune has existed for longer than 37 years, and that celibate communes, although often with considerable life spans, tend to fall into stagnation already at early stages in their history. In contrast, all those communes that show the potential for healthy long-term survival are monogamous. Furthermore, the only three permanently successful cases (kibbutzim, Hutterite colonies, Bruderhof communities) are the ones that emphasize family and kinship most strongly. In these communes, there are very few unmarried adults and few if any divorces, kin ties beyond the nuclear family are acknowledged and important, the number of children is high, and a large portion of new members is recruited from among the own children. Family and kinship are controlled, however, by the fact that ultimate authority rests with the entire community and that members have to participate in sanctions against deviant members even if they be their own spouse or children. Moreover, there is ample evidence for familism and nepotism also in such communes that explicitly tried to abolish them: Monogamous communes that officially preferred celibacy often only paid lip service to it, and in some strictly celibate and group marriage communes - including the Shakers and Oneida - marriage and kinship also continued to play an important role.
Even in the setting of utopian communes, then, it is difficult to part with notions of family and kinship established by the wider culture in which founding members grew up and with which they continue to interact regularly. But family and kinship can be fruitfully integrated into a communal framework, without any inherent contradiction.

 

 

in press, The Anthropological Study of Globalization: Themes and Issues for the Second Phase. Anthropos 93 (1998)

A number of indicators suggest that within the last decade, globalization has become a mainstream topic within anthropology. This article sketches the development leading to this state of affairs and summarizes the research findings of the pioneer phase. Subsequently, a number of topics for further inquiry are outlined. It is argued that the mapping of global cultural distributions and flows is still at an impressionistic stage and should be supplemented by systematic procedures. These will lead to a more differentiated assessment of global cultural homogenization, the possibility of which is dismissed rather light-handedly by many anthropologists. Likewise, cultural exchanges that circumvent "the West" have not yet received sufficient attention, and a cross-culturally valid notion of modernity may be of help in conceptualizing these. Furthermore, the resilience of kinship in globalization-affected societies and the question whether humanity is gaining or losing in the globalization process call for further investigation.

keywords: globalization, world system, modernity, cultural change

 

 

in press, Paperwork: The Exchange of Cash Gifts in Tokyo. In: Jean-Claude Galey (Hg.) The Ethnology of Debt. London: Routledge

The incessant exchange of gifts is perceived by many Japanese as one of the most bother some aspects of their social life. In contrast to many western societies, envelopes containing banknotes are given at the most important occasions, and the gifts are carefully listed in notebooks. One such notebook containing the incoming and out-going gifts of an middle-class couple living in Tokyo is taken as the starting point for an in-depth analysis of the calculations involved. Gifts should express the perceived closeness between both parties and should be equal to what has been received before, but a whole array of special considerations makes determining gift amounts a delicate issue.

The use of money and the complex calculations involved let this particular exchange of gifts almost appear as one of loans. Nevertheless, the form of the gift as a voluntary prestation is still maintained. Furthermore, a number of buffering mechanisms prevent money from becoming too visible. Socially, the gifts serve the purpose of reconfirming social ties at critical life cycle transitions, at the same time assigning a specific rank to each relationship by the gift amount chosen. Applying the standard notions of generalized and balanced reciprocity to this case leads into problems that may be solved by distinguishing between the "front" and the "rear side" of a gift.

 

 

in press, Stichwörter "Dependenztheorie", "Fernsehen", "Globalisierung" und "Weltsystem". In: Wolfgang Müller (Hg.) Neues Wörterbuch der Völkerkunde. (Neuauflage.) Berlin: Reimer

Dependenztheorie, in den 60er Jahren von A. G. Frank und lateinamerikanischen Autoren aufgebrachter, marxistisch inspirierter Ansatz, der sich gegen die damals dominante Modernisierungstheorie wandte. Die Unterentwicklung der nichtwestlichen Welt ist demnach ein inhärenter Bestandteil des kapitalistischen Systems und nicht etwa die Folge seiner ungenügenden Durchsetzung. Die moderne Weltwirtschaft ist geprägt von Beziehungen zwischen westlichen Metropolen (dem Zentrum) und nichtwestlichen Satelliten (der Peripherie); die Ausrichtung auf die ersteren hält die letzteren in wirtschaftlicher Abhängigkeit. Satelliten können ihrerseits Metropolen für nachgeordnete Satelliten sein, wie z. B. außereuropäische Hauptstädte für die ländlichen Regionen. Anregungen der D. flossen in die Weltsystemtheorie ein.

 

Lit.: P. Tschohl: Dependente Ungleichheit in menschlichen Systemen. Eine allgemeine Beziehungs- und Gestaltungsstruktur, in: S. Künsting et al. (Hrsg.): Mit Theorien arbeiten (1990); C. Kay: Latin American Theories of Development and Underdevelopment (London 1989); A. G. Frank: Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America (New York 1969)

 

Fernsehen, in den 90er Jahren neues Thema der ethnologischen Forschung. Heute hat die Mehrheit der Weltbevölkerung Zugang zu F. Seine Übernahme erfolgt möglicherweise in mehreren Phasen (Kottak), in denen anfangs in größeren Gruppen und erst später privat ferngesehen wird. Aufgrund der Vieldeutigkeit des Mediums sind die Leseweisen und Wirkungen nur schwer vorhersehbar und oft sehr persönlich; sie entziehen sich damit oft der Kontrolle durch die Produzenten (Lull). Häufig werden lokale oder nationale Programme westlichen Importen vorgezogen, so daß F. wie auch andere Techniken der Globalisierung nicht unbedingt vereinheitlichend wirkt. Der gemeinsame Konsum und die Alltagsdiskussion populärer Programme kann außerdem das Bewußtsein für die Nation als "vorgestellte Gemeinschaft" stärken. Noch kaum diskutiert sind die methodischen Fragen einer ethnologischen F.forschung, wie etwa das Verhältnis der abgebildeten zur gelebten Realität.

 

Lit.: D. Spitulnik: Anthropology and Mass Media, in: Annual Review of Anthropology 22 (1993); P. Mankekar: National Texts and Gendered Lives. An Ethnography of Television Viewers in a North Indian City, in: American Ethnologist 20 (1993); R. Pace: First-time Televiewing in Amazônia. Television Acculturation in Gurupá, Brazil, in: Ethnology 32 (1993); J. Lull: China Turned On. Television, Reform and Resistance (London 1991); C. Kottak: Prime-Time Society. An Anthropological Analysis of Television and Culture (Belmont, Ca. 1990)

Globalisierung, die zunehmende Vernetzung der Welt in wirtschaftlicher, politischer, kommunikativer und symbolischer Hinsicht, die bewirkt, daß lokale Zustände und Ereignisse immer mehr von externen Faktoren beeinflußt werden. G. wird in der Ethnologie der 90er Jahre ethnographisch wie theoretisch verstärkt bearbeitet, u. a. in Reaktion auf die Weltsystemtheorie. Statt einer weltweiten, wirtschafts- und konsumbestimmten Verwestlichung werden dabei die synkretistische Umdeutung der Kulturimporte und gegenläufige Flüsse festgestellt, die vor allem im sozialen und symbolischen Bereich die Herausbildung einer homogenen Weltkultur unwahrscheinlich machen. Bestimmte sich weltweit ausbreitende technische (z. B. Medien) und politische (z. B. Nationalstaat) Innovationen fördern zudem oft die Wahrnehmung kultureller Unterschiede. Ethnische, nationalistische und fundamentalistische Bewegungen sind daher als integraler Bestandteil der "globalen Ökumene" (U. Hannerz) zu verstehen, zumal sie immer mehr von transnationalen Diaspora-Gemeinschaften als Akteuren und globalen Organisationen als Schiedsrichtern bestimmt werden. Stark vereinfachte Repräsentationen der eigenen Kultur gewinnen dabei als symbolische Ressource an Bedeutung.

 

Lit.: A. Appadurai: Modernity at Large. Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis im Druck); U. Hannerz: Transnational Connections. Culture, People, Places (London 1996); M. Kearney: The Local and the Global. The Anthropology of Globalization and Transnationalism, in: Annual Review of Anthropology, 24 (1995); J. Friedman: Cultural Identity and Global Process (London 1994); L. Basch et al.: Nations Unbound. Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-States (Amsterdam 1993)

 

Weltsystemtheorie, von I. Wallerstein entwickelte soziologische Theorie, die auf der älteren Dependenztheorie aufbaut und die Debatte über Globalisierung befördert hat. Ein Weltsystem ist ein wirtschaftlich, nicht aber politisch geeinter Raum. Das moderne Weltsystem hat sich seit dem 15. Jh. über die gesamte Erde ausgeweitet und ist zum bestimmenden Faktor der historischen Entwicklung geworden. Es gliedert sich in Zentrum (heute die westliche Welt und Japan), Semiperipherie und Peripherie; Gewinne fließen ins Zentrum ab und mildern dort die Verteilungskämpfe. Kritikern der W. gilt sie als wirtschaftsdeterministisch und im Erklärungsanspruch überzogen. Die W. hat vor allem die neomarxistische Ethnologie beeinflußt und dort wegen der Vernachlässigung der lokalen Produktionsbedingungen auch Widerspruch hervorgerufen (Wolf). Symbolische Dimensionen von Kultur sind ebenfalls kaum berücksichtigt, so daß die mit der W. arbeitenden Ethnographien sich um eine diesbezügliche Ergänzung bemühen, zum Teil mittels multilokaler Feldforschung. Wenig strittig erscheint dagegen die Notwendigkeit einer systemischen Sicht der modernen Weltwirtschaft und der globalen sozialen Prozesse.

 

Lit.: G. Marcus: Ethnography in/of the World System. The Emergence of Multi-sited Ethnography, in: Annual Review of Anthropology, 24 (1995); T. Shannon: An Introduction to the World-System Perspective (Boulder 1989); D. Gewertz u. F. Errington: Twisted Histories, Altered Contexts. Representing the Chambri in a World System (Cambridge 1989); I. Wallerstein: Das moderne Weltsystem. Kapitalistische Landwirtschaft und die Entstehung der europäischen Weltwirtschaft im 16. Jahrhundert (1986, orig. 1974); E. Wolf: Die Völker ohne Geschichte. Europa und die andere Welt seit 1400 (1986); I. Wallerstein: The Politics of the World Economy. The States, the Movements, and the Civilizations (Cambridge 1984)

 

 

in press, Charismatische Führer in japanischen Kommunen. In: Peter Pörtner (Hg.) Aufsätze des 10. Deutschsprachigen Japanologentags. München (CD-ROM)

Nakane Chie and others have identified a type of leadership in Japanese society that can be described as that of the "weak leader". Within the small groups that are presumed to be the basic structural element of society, conciliatory figures rise easily into top positions. What these leaders lack in terms of determination, intellectual brilliance, and charisma is made up by their sensitive care for their network of vertical relationships. It must be doubted, however, that this kind of leadership is really so universal in Japanese society. I attempt to show this by reference to the leaders of utopian communes. In Japan, there is a fair number of such experiments in which people live together and share their property voluntarily for the sake of some idealistic goal. Almost all of these groups have been founded by a charismatic leader. I present the biographies of four of these leaders, Nishida Tenkô of Ittô-en, Ozaki Masutarô of Shinkyô, Yaoi Nisshô of Ô-yamato ajisai mura, and the only female leader, Fukuzato Niwa of Fukuzato tetsugaku jikkenjô. In a next step, I compare their careers and their roles within their communes. It turns out that there is a number of parallels: All leaders chose conventional careers at first and started their utopian activities only later in life. The transition to the new calling was often preceded by a prolonged crisis but then occured very swiftly, involving a complete break with the old life and radical, even eccentric action. This alienated the leaders from their old spouses and families but brought them new adherents. These were attracted by the leaders' practical example rather than only by their teachings.

 

The four leaders are no doubt far from weak, and in other areas of Japanese society, strong and charismatic personalities have been influential as well. Consequently, Nakane's model has to be modified: While the "weak" leader may be appropriate for established social structures, strong leaders play an important role when it comes to founding something new; be it companies, Buddhist sects, warrior's dynasties or communes.

 

 

in press, Writing for Culture: Why a Successful Concept Should Not Be Discarded. Current Anthropology

In the last decade, the idea that speaking of a culture inevitably suggests an inordinate measure of boundedness, homogeneity, coherence, and stability has gained considerable support, so that some cultural/social anthropologists even call for abandoning the concept. It is argued, however, that the unwelcome connotations are not inherent in the concept but rather in certain usages which have been less standardized than is assumed by the critics. The root of the confusion is the distribution of learned routines across individuals: while these routines are never perfectly shared, they are not randomly distributed either. Therefore, culture should be retained as a convenient term to designate the clusters of common concepts, emotions, and practices that arise when people interact regularly. Moreover, outside anthropology and academia the word is gaining popularity and increasingly understood in a roughly anthropological way. While often a reified notion is employed, retaining the concept--while clarifying that culture is not reproduced unproblematically, has its limits against the individual and the universal, and its not synonymous with ethnicity and identity--will preserve the common ground the concept has created within the discipline. Moreover, it will simplify communicating anthropological ideas to the general public, thus challenging mistaken assumptions.

keywords: concept of culture, anthropological theory, cultural fundamentalism, anthropology in public debates

 

 

in press, Die Kunst des Teilens: Eine vergleichende Untersuchung zu den Überlebensbedingungen kommunitärer Gruppen, Münster: Lit 1998

Communitarian groups or simply communes - groups of men and women who live together and share all their property for some higher goal - have been a marginal but persistent phenomenon during the last two millenia and have particularly flourished within the last two centuries. For the social sciences, the intense cultural experimentation in which many of these groups engage make them an attractive object of study.

 

Given their extreme degree of sharing, many communes have perished rather quickly. Some, however, have persisted for decades or even centuries. This study attempts to identify the conditions that have to be fulfilled for the long-term survival of communes. For this purpose, a sample of 43 well-described cases out of the last three centuries - mostly North American, European, and Japanese - is introduced and compared. Besides, categories for longevity are devised that do not only refer to absolute duration but also to the relative condition of a specific case at a given point in time.

 

It turns out that there are five decisive areas in which there are conditions that either are beneficial or detrimental to longevity. One of these is size: a membership of between 75 and 500 members per settlements promotes long durations while smaller and larger communes reach less impressive results. Secondly, a federative branch structure with semi-independent settlements of roughly equal size and weight supports survival while a dependent branch structure or a concentration in just one settlement do not. Thirdly, monogamous marriage and family structures are more successful than celibacy or groups marriage, especially when healthy, active survival is emphasized. Fourthly, charismatic leaders are beneficial only if they do not become too dominant, and even then the groups that have no such leader do not stand back. Fifthly, there are two types of belief systems that can support long-term survival: one is a religious ideology that strongly separates between ritual and everyday life and between sacred and profane, often with a marked ascetic orientation; and the other is a secular, tolerant-egalitarian ideology that, by contrast, is rather characterized by the loss of consensus on basic beliefs at a relatively early point in the commune's history.

 

Several other areas are also explored as to their relative contribution to the commune's survival, notably social control, decision-making, and relationships with the outside society. Here, however, features of specific groups seem to be determined by their basic orientations in terms of charismatic leadership and ideology, failing to make independent contributions to survival.

 

Finally, the most important results are summarized, also in the innovative forms of formal Boolean implications and in implicational diagrammes. Three integrated models are sketched, one of them with a rather limited survival perspective - the commune completely dominated by a strong charismatic leader -, the other two enabling a great range of results from short-term to permanent survival - the commune with a dualistic religious orientation and the commune with a secular, tolerant-egalitarian orientation. In conclusion, perspectives for further research on the cooperation among equals are outlined. It is argued that the comparison of empirically observed real-life cases is a fruitful perspective for identifying design principles of successful cooperative institutions.

 


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